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However, none of this information teaches that the gaseous glycols, lessens either the hygroscopic or granulation properties of the particulate pregelatinized starch when the particulate pregelatinized starch is used in food products.
The prior art also teaches a number of examples, including Adams et al. (U.S. Pat. No. 3,128,291), which discloses an improved process for the production of food grade pregelatinized starch by heating a starch slurry. Additionally, Pons (U.S. Pat. No. 3,586,484) and DeJean (U.S. Pat. No. 3,780,153) teach the use of aqueous pregelatinized starch as a thickener in foods. Furthermore, the use of pregelatinized starch as a binder in ice cream is taught by Leachman in U.S. Pat. No. 4,278,765.
Nowhere, however, does the prior art teach that gaseous glycol decreases either the hygroscopic or granulation properties of the particulate pregelatinized starch when the particulate pregelatinized starch is used in food products.
For the foregoing reasons, there is a need for a simple method to significantly increase the fat emulsification properties of the particulate pregelatinized starch when the particulate pregelatinized starch is used in food products.
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In a nutshell, the report argues that a federal government that is “facilitated by electoral fraud” is a threat to democracy. He argues that “electoral integrity is indispensable to ensuring a just distribution of political power and to protecting against internal and external threats to the integrity of our electoral system”.
It also proposes that we should “establish a public standard of electoral procedures”, which in turn would impose legal penalties on anyone who rigged an election.
Below is a summary of the report, with notes to highlight the key recommendations.
Proposed legislation and reputational penalties
The report argues that the federal government should have, and should be given the power to, impose federal electoral penalties. These would include fines, jail terms, disqualification and/or a loss of political party status.
Currently, legal penalties can be imposed by the relevant State and Territory governments, with the federal government’s ability to legislate being limited by the States.
Penalties would be imposed through a legislative instrument that is separate from the legislation that would govern the organisation and conduct of elections. The legislation would need to pass both houses of parliament, and receive Royal Assent.
Suter argues that “there should be no role for the Executive in the legislation or in the investigation of a matter of electoral integrity”. The same legislation would also, he argues, cover the State and Territory governments: the Federal Electoral Commission (FEC) would have oversight of the relevant State electoral commissions and a limited role in protecting the integrity of Australian elections.
Suter recommends that these provisions be enshrined in national law, rather than in a statute that applies only to the Electoral Act.
Moreover, he argues that “the proposed legislation should apply to all elections, rather than only federal elections”.
He also recommends imposing mandatory national standards of conduct and electoral processes:
“Mandatory national standards of conduct should be created through legislative instruments applicable to all matters concerning the democratic administration of elections. These should include procedures for addressing complaints, positions on confidentiality, transparency, and sharing of information. They should also set out the institutions responsible